As national economies grow, people facing difficulties in accessing food, as captured by an experience-based indicator of food insecutiy, have a higher risk of obesity. Results of an analysis of micro-level data obtained from nationally representative surveys reveal that living in a household classified as food insecure contributes to explain the status of being affected by one or another form of malnutrition in seven of the eight countries studied. Household food insecurity is associated with indicators of child undernutrition in most of the countries. The association of food insecurity with overweight and obesity across different age groups varies depending on the income level of the country.
In the low- and lower-middle-income countries considered, living in a food-insecure household either decreases the likelihood of being overweight or obese or has a very weak or no association. In upper-middle- and high-income countries, food insecurity increases the likelihood of being overweight or obese in some age groups. UNEVEN - The uneven pace of global economic recovery raises concerns regarding prospects for ending hunger and malnutrition in all its forms. This is critical to understanding future trends in hunger and malnutrition, especially given the dark predictions of the latest global economic prospects, with slowing and stalled economic growth in many countries, including emerging and developing economies.
The impact of economic slowdowns and downturns on food security and nutrition cannot be separated from the root causes of hunger and malnutrition: poverty, inequality and marginalization.
Ultimately the analysis points to policies and programmes that can protect the most vulnerable from the impact of economic slowdowns and downturns, while fostering food security and nutrition from a perspective of more inclusive economic growth. Ending hunger and malnutrition by will require greater efforts and integrated approaches to eradicate extreme poverty, ensure decent work and inclusive economic growth, and reduce inequalities.
Hunger has been on the rise in many countries where the economy has slowed down or contracted. Between and , this increase coincided with an economic slowdown or downturn in 65 out of 77 countries. Furthermore, economic shocks tend to be significant secondary and tertiary drivers that prolong and worsen the severity of food crises, especially in countries experiencing acute food insecurity requiring urgent humanitarian assistance. Economic slowdowns and downturns often lead to a rise in unemployment and decline in wages and incomes, challenging access to food and essential social services for the poor.
An economic slowdown is when economic activity is growing at a slower pace. An economic slowdown occurs when real GDP growth declines from one period of time to another but is still positive. An economic downturn is when there is no growth, but rather a period of decline in economic activity.
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It refers to a period of economic contraction or negative economic growth as measured by the growth rate in real GDP. An economic shock is an unexpected event that is external to the specific economy and can either harm or boost it. A global financial crisis causing bank lending or credit to fall, a steep rise in oil and gas prices, or natural disasters that result in sharp falls in production, are examples of economic shocks.
Recent world economic reports highlight that slowdowns, stagnation and outright recessions are evident in several economies and already leading to increased unemployment and declines in income. There may soon be yet another global economic downturn. SLOWDOWN - Most countries 84 percent that experienced a rise in undernourishment between and simultaneously suffered an economic slowdown or downturn — and the majority of these are middle-income countries.
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In most regions, the economy rebounded after the sharp — global economic downturn. But the recovery was uneven and short lived — real GDP per capita growth is being challenged particularly in regions with some of the highest levels of food insecurity and malnutrition. Within subregions, the situation is worse. In the last few years, real GDP per capita growth on average declined in seven subregions, five of which experienced negative growth in different years.
In , these five subregions combined were home to almost million undernourished people. National Accounts — Analysis of Main Aggregates. Gross domestic product: Total and per capita, growth rates, annual. Hunger, as measured by the prevalence of undernourishment PoU , has been on the rise in many countries where the economy has slowed down or contracted.
Strikingly, the majority of the countries 44 out of 65 are middle-income countries. Only 19 out of 65 are low-income countries, of which 17 are located in Africa see figure While economic shocks are rarely the primary drivers of food crises, in many instances, they worsen the severity of acute food insecurity, as well as prolonging the duration of the crisis.
In fact, more than 96 million people in 33 countries who suffered from acute food insecurity in lived in places where the economy was undergoing economic shocks of rising unemployment, lack of regular work, currency depreciation and high food prices.
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The economy of most of these countries 27 out of 33 was contracting, according to their real GDP per capita growth for — In food crisis contexts, the interaction between conflict and economic slowdowns and downturns is particularly important. In , conflict and insecurity were the major driver of food crises in 21 countries — 14 of them experienced deep economic recessions with an average negative difference of 2. Economic slowdowns and downturns also lowers the resilience capacity of households to respond to other shocks — including climate shocks.
Low- and middle-income countries are exposed to external vulnerabilities. A key vulnerability arises relating to what these countries produce and what they trade with the rest of the world: essentially, primary commodities. International commodity price shocks and volatility can create harmful impacts for food security and nutrition in all combinations of high commodity dependence.
The trend in rising commodity prices that started in and the period of extreme price volatility in have been followed by largely declining global commodity prices for five consecutive years from to Commodity dependence matters because it increases the vulnerability of countries to world price swings. Recent slowdowns and downturns in economic growth in many regions are largely explained by marked declines in commodity prices. This is mainly affecting countries dependent on primary commodity exports, particularly in South America, but also other regions including Asia and some countries in Africa.
Countries from these regions are commodity-export-dependent as they derive the bulk of their export earnings from primary commodities. Many of these countries also show commodity-import dependence having a high ratio of commodity imports to total import merchandise traded. This includes essential goods, such as food items and fuel.
Out of a total of low- and middle-income countries studied for the period —, countries are classified according to three types of high commodity dependence, whereas the remaining 32 are low commodity dependent. In most 27 out of 33 of the food crisis countries where economic shocks worsened the severity of acute food insecurity are high primary commodity-dependent countries.
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Most are also net food-import dependent 25 out of 33 , where inflationary pressure stemming from the depreciation of national currencies against the US dollar was a key factor that contributed to an escalation in domestic food prices. Many high commodity-dependent countries 67 out of witnessed a rise in hunger or a worsening food crisis situation during — Twenty-three high commodity-dependent countries underwent two or more consecutive years of negative growth and most of these 15 countries also saw rises in undernourishment or a worsening food crisis situation in Designing policies to help offset the vulnerability that arises with high commodity dependence requires direct and indirect channels that link global commodity markets with domestic economic, social and human development outcomes, including food security and nutrition.
The transmission channels are complex, and a given commodity price change does not affect all commodity-dependent countries in a uniform manner. There are direct impacts emanating as the change in commodity prices affects terms of trade, exchange rate adjustments and the balance of payments; and secondary indirect effects of these macroeconomic impacts on domestic prices, including food; unemployment, declining wages and loss of income; and health and social services.
Sharp and continuous declines in international commodity prices from to led to substantial shifts in the terms of trade TOT and a sharp deterioration of GDP growth in commodity-dependent countries. Declines in commodity prices since led to a deterioration in public finances for many commodity-export-dependent countries oil and non-oil exporters in Asia, Africa, North Africa and the Middle East, and in Latin America and the Caribbean.
For many commodity-dependent countries that experienced an increase in undernourishment or worsening food crises, the decline in commodity prices from to is associated with significant currency depreciations. Declining commodity prices may result in depreciation and devaluation of currencies that may pass through the system resulting in domestic price increases, including food prices. In these situations, households that need to buy food are immediately affected by higher domestic retail prices as the cost of food relative to their incomes increases.
Sluggish economic activity as a result of falling commodity prices can lead to unemployment, loss of wages and, consequently, loss of incomes. The impacts can be felt particularly hard in agriculture, both because of what happens within the sector and because of urban-rural linkages. For high commodity-dependent countries reductions in fiscal revenues in the wake of low or declining commodity prices can threaten the continuity of social programmes, safety nets, and other components of economic and social development plans.
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Cuts to health and social sector spending can have negative impacts on food security and nutrition, with potentially lifelong and intergenerational implications for health and development. Health expenditure as a percentage of total government expenditure in high commodity-dependent countries during the period contracted by 1. Similarly, reduced education expenditure means less investment in school infrastructure relevant to health, such as for safe water and sanitation, which affects the risk of infectious disease, such as diarrhoea, that can exacerbate or be exacerbated by undernutrition.
Households facing a reduction in purchasing power as a result of economic events have to look for ways to cope with these shocks to maintain food security and consumption, but many coping strategies that are used during single shocks are ineffective. Households might have to take up lower paying jobs, often in the informal sector, or try to make use of any savings or insurance mechanism at their disposal.
However, with increased prices, savings will buy less food than before and households might find it more difficult to borrow from family members or access informal insurance groups such as village funds. Also, public spending on safety nets might decrease during economic slowdowns, thereby leaving behind many households in need. Economic slowdowns and downturns generate a number of direct and indirect impacts that flow through different transmission channels and challenge food security and nutrition.
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The final impact on food security and nutrition, however, depends on how many poor people live in the country and the extent to which they face exclusion due to inequalities. On the one hand, economic slowdowns and downturns tend to be correlated with increases in poverty and inequality. On the other hand, poverty, inequalities and marginalization are some of the underlying causes of hunger and malnutrition in all its forms. But the relationships between these factors are not so simple, for a number of reasons.
First, it is not always true that robust economic growth helps to reduce poverty and improve food security and nutrition. Economic growth, although necessary, may not be sufficient to ensure poverty reduction, food security and nutrition. Second, poverty, food security and nutrition do not always move in unison. Countries can achieve robust economic growth and poverty reduction, but this does not always translate into improved food security and nutrition.
Third, when poverty reduction does result in increased food security, this does not necessarily mean nutritional status will be improved as well. Economic growth alone is not sufficient to reduce extreme poverty or improve food security and nutrition. Inequality, not only in the distribution of income, but also in access to nutrition-relevant services and social and health infrastructure, is critical in understanding why this is so.
In fact, evidence indicates that in countries that have greater levels of inequality, economic slowdowns and downturns have a disproportionately negative effect on food and nutrition security.
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POVERTY - Economic events will ultimately affect food security and nutrition, depending on extreme poverty levels and the extent to which the poor face exclusion due to different inequalities. Income inequality is rising in nearly half of the countries in the world, including many low- and middle-income countries. Notably, several countries in Africa and Asia have seen large increases in income inequality over the last 15 years.
Inequality increases the likelihood of severe food insecurity, and the prevalence of severe food insecurity is almost three times higher in countries with high income inequality 21 percent compared with countries with low income inequality 7 percent. The greater the inequality in asset distribution such as land, water, capital, finance, education and health, the more difficult it is for the poor to participate in economic growth processes. Moreover, bab. Dictionary Conjugation Phrases Games More by bab. Similar translations Example sentences.